Shoghi was more like a king than a religious figure

Shoghi Effendi became the leader of the Baha'i faith at age twenty four and was so shocked by the news that he said he stopped feeling like a normal person. Instead of leading right away, he suffered a physical collapse and fled to the mountains of Switzerland for many months, leaving the community without a clear head. During his long time as leader, he often got very sick and exhausted because he tried to do almost everything himself and refused to let others help with his work. He also broke with old traditions of kindness, such as refusing to meet with local religious leaders (like Muftis) who had always been welcomed by Abdul Baha.

His leadership style was very different from his grandfather, as people found him to be stern, impersonal, and more like a king than a religious figure. He moved the Baha'i faith away from being about a single person and focused more on a strict administrative system. He demanded that everyone follow this system exactly, stating that a person's own conscience must give way to the will of the majority in group decisions. 

Shoghi Effendi was often very critical of Baha'is in the West, especially those in America, calling them soft, materialistic, and lazy. He told them they were failing at their duties and needed shock medicine to wake them up from their inactive state. His time as leader was also marked by many painful fights with his own family members. Eventually almost all of his relatives were cast out of the religion and labeled as enemies or Covenant-breakers.

His intense focus on work was so strong that his wife said it was slowly killing him. He spent nearly all his time reading and writing thousands of letters, which left him with almost no time for rest or a normal personal life. When he died suddenly in 1957, it caused a massive crisis because he did not leave a written will or name a new leader to follow him. This left the entire community in a state of great confusion and fear about how to survive without any clear instructions.

(Extracted from Shoghi Effendi: Through the Pilgrim’s Eye, Volume 1 & 2)

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submission to the authority of the Spiritual Assemblies is a matter of faith.

One day in discussing the question of submission to the authority of the Spiritual Assemblies Shoghi Effendi said: "The Master has not left any latitude for personal opinion, it is not a matter of reason, it is a matter of faith.

'Some of the instructions and commands may seem unreasonable, but if we believe we have faith in them and the sign of faith is obedience. The whole question resolves itself into a matter of faith and obedience is the proof of faith, it is the result of faith, if we do not obey it is because we have not faith in the commands of the Master.

'I cannot see it in any other way.

(Shoghi Effendi Through the Pilgrim's Eye, Volume 1, Building the Administrative Order, 1922-1952 by Earl Redman)

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Shoghi Effendi was a dark-complexioned man, dressed in Western attire but wearing a fez

I [Marcus Bach] saw coming through the adjoining room a small, dark-complexioned man, dressed in Western attire but wearing a fez. His clean-shaven face and slender figure registered indomitable strength...

(Shoghi Effendi Through the Pilgrim's Eye, Volume 1, Building the Administrative Order, 1922-1952 by Earl Redman)

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Main actors during the Constitutional Revolution were Baha'is not Azalis according to Moojan Momen.

It is the thesis of this paper that the evidence presented demonstrates that the main actors in this period [Constitutional Revolution, 1883–1906] were not Azalí Bábís as is usually stated but were either Bahá’ís or persons actively engaged with the Bahá’í community.

(The Reform Movement in Isfahan, Iran: The Role of Bábís and Bahá’ís by Moojan Momen)

https://www.mdpi.com/2077-1444/17/6/717

The Constitutional Revolution was a nationalist and religious movement that arose in response to European interference in Iran's internal affairs. According to Mongol Bayat, it was led by a coalition of patriots, merchants & religious leaders, its primary goal was to replace the arbitrary rule of the Qajar monarchy with a representative government and the rule of law. This struggle eventually led to the establishment of the first Iranian parliament known as the Majles, and the promulgation of a national constitution in 1906.

Azalis contributed to the revolution by acting as secret religious dissidents who shifted their focus from doctrinal reforms to a broader political struggle for national liberation. To avoid persecution and gain public trust, they often practiced Taqiyya (Dissimulation) to hide their true identity while wearing traditional clerical turbans and garb. Key Azali figures and their networks were instrumental in forming secret societies, mobilizing religious students and distributing revolutionary literature that pushed high ranking religious leaders into action.

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Alvin told Shoghi Effendi that he would love to stay and teach in Israel

Alvin told Shoghi Effendi that he would love to stay and teach in Israel, but the Guardian said that it was not yet the time. Shoghi Effendi said that the million Jews who had come to Israel since it became a nation were not attached to religion, but to race. He told Alvin that the Israelis would develop the country and over time would slowly begin to understand the teachings of Bahá'u'lláh. After world leaders began acknowledging the Faith, their eyes would be opened.

(Shoghi Effendi Through the Pilgrim's Eye, Volume 2, Building the Administrative Order, 1922-1952 by Earl Redman)

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Covenant-breakers were against the Jews

Virtually all the Covenant-breakers fled Haifa and Akka, joining forces with the Arab community in Lebanon and eventually becoming integrated into Islamic society.

(Shoghi Effendi Through the Pilgrim's Eye, Volume 1, Building the Administrative Order, 1922-1952 by Earl Redman)

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Shoghi Effendi's relations with the State of Israel

• Shoghi Effendi welcomed the emergence of the independent State of Israel with "great satisfaction," praising the maturity of its leaders and people.
• He viewed the re-establishment of the Jewish State as the fulfillment of divine promises made to the Jewish people by Baha'u'llah.
• He described the formation of the state as the Jewish people successfully asserting their sovereignty in the land of their ancestors.
• The Baha'i administration maintained friendly relations with the Israeli government, characterized by mutual understanding and cooperation.
• High-level visits were made to Baha'i Shrines by Israeli officials, including President Itzhak Ben-Zvi, which signaled official respect for the Baha'i Faith.
• Shoghi Effendi found the Israeli authorities to be supportive and stable, providing a better environment for the development of the Baha'i World Center than previous regimes.
• He believed the return of the Jews to their homeland was a "clear sign" of the dawn of a new era of global justice and peace.

Ugo Giachery remembers Shoghi Effendi as "the essence of justice".

(Extracted from the book "Shoghi Effendi - Recollections" by Ugo Giachery, 1973)

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Bab's notions did not contain much originality. Mahommedans... ought to be exterminated.

Bab's notions did not contain much originality. Atheism, under the disguise of pantheism, was the basis of his principles. Every single atom in the universe, he said, was actually God, and the whole universe collectively was God ; not a representative of, or emanation from God, but God himself. Everything in short was God. Bab was God, and every living creature down to each lowest insect. Death was not real it was only another form of divinity, if such language has any signification at all. Virtue had no existence, neither had vice; they were necessarily wholly indifferent, as being portions or emanations of the Godhead. Rights of property had no existence, excepting in the equal division of all things among the godly. But this was a fiction, the real doctrine being the reign of the Saints, that is, of the Babees, and their possession of the goods of the ungodly, in other words, the non-Babees. It was the simplest of religions. Its tenets may be summed up in materialism, communism, and the entire indifference of good and evil and of all human actions. There was no antipathy, it was affirmed, on the part of the Babees to Christians, or to the followers of any other creed excepting Mahommedans, who, as they slew Babees, ought to be exterminated.

(GLIMPSES OF LIFE AND MANNERS IN PERSIA, BY LADY SHEIL, p. 179)

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When Zionists arrived in their Promised Land they sought ‘Abdu’l-Bahá for advice.

Even in the twilight of his life ‘Abdu’l-Bahá took the liveliest interest in world affairs. When General Allenby swept up the Coast from Egypt he went for counsel first to ‘Abdu’l-Bahá. When Zionists arrived in their Promised Land they sought ‘Abdu’l-Bahá for advice.

(THE PASSING OF ‘ABDU’L-BAHÁ - Excerpts from compilation prepared in January, 1922 BY LADY BLOMFIELD AND SHOGHI EFFENDI)

https://bahai.works/Bahá’í_World/Volume_2/The_Passing_of_‘Abdu’l-Bahá

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Multi-layered relationship between the Bahá'í Faith and the Zionist movement

• Bahá'í leadership viewed the establishment of an independent Jewish State as a direct fulfillment of prophecies by Bahá'u'lláh and 'Abdu'l-Bahá. Shoghi Effendi specifically noted that this event marked the termination of a "twenty-century-long provincial status" for the Holy Land.
• As early as 1897, 'Abdu'l-Bahá revealed a Tablet confirming that the Zionist Movement would eventually succeed.
• 'Abdu'l-Bahá predicted that the Jewish people would return to their "ancient homeland" and that the land would "blossom like the rose" through their efforts.

• Upon their arrival in Palestine, Zionists reportedly sought out 'Abdu'l-Bahá for advice.
• Shoghi Effendi maintained a cordial and formal correspondence with Sir Herbert Samuel, the first High Commissioner for Palestine and a prominent Zionist, who also attended 'Abdu'l-Bahá's funeral.
• In January 1949, Shoghi Effendi held a private fifteen-minute interview with Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion. Following this, Shoghi Effendi sent Ben-Gurion a copy of his book "God Passes By".
• When Bahá'í efforts to lease the Mansion at Mazra'ih through regular channels failed, Shoghi Effendi appealed directly to Ben-Gurion, who intervened to secure the property for the Bahá'ís.
• In 1954, President Ben-Zvi and his wife made an official visit to the Shrine of the Báb, where they were hosted by Shoghi Effendi. Shoghi Effendi later made a return call to the President in Jerusalem.

• In 1925, the Zionist Executive in Jerusalem invited Shoghi Effendi to the opening of the Hebrew University. In 1950, Shoghi Effendi made a financial contribution to the university, which was received with "gratification".
• The newly emerged Israeli state provided formal assurances for the protection of Bahá'í holy sites and the continuation of Bahá'í pilgrimage.
• In 1953, the Israeli Ministry of Religious Affairs established a separate Department for the Bahá'í Faith, which Shoghi Effendi requested to ensure the Faith was recognized as independent from Islam.
• The Israeli government accepted and continued the tax-exempt status of Bahá'í properties and endowments that had been established during the British Mandate.

• During his North American tour (1920–1921), Bahá'í scholar Jináb-i-Fáḍil addressed numerous Zionist Federations in cities like Montreal, San Francisco, and Portland. His talks often focused on "The Progress of the Jews in Persia" or biblical prophecies regarding their return.
• At the 1926 Universal Esperanto Congress, Dr. Immanuel Olsvanger, a representative of the Zionist Movement in Great Britain, chaired the first Bahá'í session and spoke of the "friendly relations" between the two movements.
• In 1945, Adelbert Friedman, the Southeastern Regional Secretary of the Zionist Movement, was a guest speaker at a Bahá'í meeting in the U.S., lecturing on the "Future of Palestine".
• Zionist publications, such as the "Zionist Record" in South Africa, featured articles on the Bahá'í Faith, describing it as a "vogue among seekers" and noting the support of prominent individuals like Lidia Zamenhof.

• The daughter of Ludwik Zamenhof (the creator of Esperanto and a "keen Zionist"), Lidia Zamenhof became a prominent Bahá'í teacher and was frequently identified in both Bahá'í and Zionist circles as a bridge between the two movements.

Sources at bahai.works:

Bahá'í News/Issue 177

Bahá'í News/Issue 20

Bahá'í News/Issue 425

Bahá'í World/Volume 1/The Passing of 'Abdu'l-Bahá

Bahá'í World/Volume 13/The Guardian of the Bahá'í Faith

Bahá'í World/Volume 2/The Bahá'í Cause at the Universal Esperanto Congresses at Edinburgh and Danzig

Bahá'í World/Volume 3/Haifa-and the Bahá'ís

Bahá'í World/Volume 5/Haifa Calling

Bahá'í World/Volume 6/The Modern Miracles of Palestine, by Beatrice Irwin

Lidia Life of Lidia Zamenhof, Daughter of Esperanto by Wendy Heller

Martha Root lioness at the threshold (Garis, M. R)

National Teaching Committee Bulletins/1920/November 15 (Maxwell)

National Teaching Committee Bulletins/1920/November 16

National Teaching Committee Bulletins/1921/April 9

National Teaching Committee Bulletins/1921/March 15

Star of the West/Volume 13/Issue 10

Star of the West/Volume 13/Issue 11

Star of the West/Volume 13/Issue 4

Star of the West/Volume 14/Issue 9

Star of the West/Volume 16/Issue 3

Star of the West/Volume 17/Issue 6

Star of the West/Volume 20/Issue 2

The American Bahá'í/Volume 15/Issue 7

The spirit of agriculture (Hanley, Paul)

World Order/Series2/Volume 4

World Order/Volume 3/Issue 4

World Unity/Volume 10/Issue 5

World Unity/Volume 5/Issue 1

World Unity/Volume 5/Issue 6

World Unity/Volume 6/Issue 2

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Baha'u'llah is the one who "shall build up the Temple of the Lord" in Israel.

In the Lawh-i-Hirtík, Bahá'u'lláh addresses Georg David Hardegg in Haifa, asserting that the "appointed time" for the fulfillment of ancient biblical prophecies has arrived. He identifies himself as the one who "shall build up the Temple of the Lord" and describes the Holy Land as being spiritually transformed...

Check Lawh-i-Hirtík (Tablet to Hardegg) here,

https://bahai-library.com/bahaullah_tablet_hardegg_authorized

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Azali Baha'i split according to a Russian Scholar

The split between the followers of Baha'u'llah and Subh-i-Azal, often referred to as the Azali-Baha'i split, was a fundamental rupture within the movement that followed the execution of the Bab. This conflict was characterized by a struggle for influence and leadership among the Bab’s adherents, eventually leading to the emergence of two distinct groups: the Baha'is and the Azalis.

Origins and Personal Enmity

The sources describe the split as the result of a "rupture and personal enmity" between the two half-brothers, Subh-i-Azal and Baha'u'llah. Following the Bab's death, there was a gradual advancement of both figures as they sought to lead the community. While Subh-i-Azal had been a prominent early leader, scholars noted that his authority began to wane; for instance, a historical poem from the early days of Baha'ism depicts the "loss of authority of Subhe Ezel among the sect".

Russian researchers noted several factors regarding Subh-i-Azal’s leadership:

• Seclusion: His role was considered limited by some because he spent nine years in hiding to escape death.
• Declining Following: By the late 19th century, he was described as living a "pitiful existence," with his own children being almost his only acolytes.

Exile and Geographical Separation

The tension between the two factions reached a peak while the Babis were living in Adrianople under Ottoman rule. Baha'u'llah reportedly sent letters to European consuls in the city protesting the "unjust treatment" of the group by the Ottoman Porte.

To resolve the conflict and prevent the movement from influencing the local Muslim population, the Turkish authorities decided to relocate and separate the factions. This resulted in a geographical split:

• Azalis: Supporters of Subh-i-Azal were exiled to the island of Cyprus.
• Baha'is: Supporters of Baha'u'llah were sent to Akka in Syria.

Political and Ideological Divergence

The split also manifested in different approaches to political engagement, particularly during the Iranian Constitutional Revolution of 1905–1911.

• The Baha'i Stance: Under the leadership of Abbas Effendi (Baha'u'llah's son), Baha'is were explicitly instructed not to participate in the revolution or seek seats in the Majlis (parliament), emphasizing a focus on spiritual rather than political power.
• The Azali Stance: In contrast, the followers of Subh-i-Azal were active during the revolution, often supporting the movement with "left-wing slogans".

Russian diplomats and scholars were among the first to document these internal struggles in detail. For example, the diplomat F.A. Bakulin wrote a note on the disagreements between Baha'u'llah and Subh-i-Azal as early as 1874, a time when these details were largely unknown in Europe.

(N. A. Kuznetsova's 1963 article, "On the History of the Study of Babism and Baha'ism in Russia")

www.orientalstudies.ru/rus/images/pdf/journals/OIRV_6_1963_02_kuznetsova.pdf

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According to a Russian Scholar the relationship between the Russian mission and Baha'u'llah was a complex mixture of diplomatic surveillance, strategic protection and scholarly information gathering

The relationship between the Russian mission and Baha'u'llah was a complex mixture of diplomatic surveillance, strategic protection, and scholarly information gathering. While the mission initially viewed the movement as a threat to stability, it eventually became a primary source of information and, in some cases, a protector for his followers.

Initial Surveillance and Suppression

In the mid-19th century, early Russian envoys like Prince D. I. Dolgorukov and Count A. I. Medem monitored the Babi movement closely. Fearing that the unrest could undermine Russian influence in Iran, they urged the Shah's government to take decisive measures to suppress the movement. Dolgorukov demanded detailed reports from his consuls regarding the movement's dogmas and growth, viewing it as a matter that required "exclusive attention".

Direct Appeals from Baha'u'llah

As the movement evolved into Bahaism, direct contact occurred during Baha'u'llah's exile in Adrianople (1862–1868). Before being moved to Acre, Baha'u'llah sent letters to European consuls, including the Russian consul, protesting the unjust treatment by the Ottoman authorities. In these communications, he requested permission for his followers to settle in Europe.

Russian diplomatic records suggest that the persecution of Baha'u'llah and his followers in Turkey was partly motivated by the Persian envoy’s desire to please the Shah. Russian officials, such as N. P. Ignatiev (the ambassador in Constantinople), monitored these persecutions and reported on the reasons for the Bahá'ís' relocation to Acre.

The Ashgabat Community and Russian Patronage

A significant relationship developed in the late 19th century when Bahá'ís fled Iran and found refuge in Ashgabat, then under Russian control.

• Protection vs. Diplomacy: The Russian administration in the Transcaspian region, particularly General Kuropatkin, showed considerable favor toward the Bahá'ís, treating them as "martyrs" after instances of persecution and murder in Iran.
• Seeking Citizenship: The Bahá'í community in Ashgabat actively sought Russian citizenship to protect themselves and their commercial interests from Persian authorities.
• Political Tension: This protection caused friction with the Persian government; the Shah was reportedly "furious" with Kuropatkin for his patronage of the group. Some Russian officials, like V. I. Ignatiev, worried that this favor would harm Russo-Iranian relations and alienate the powerful Shiite clergy.

Intelligence and the "Glad Tidings" (Bisharat)

Russian diplomats played a key role in acquiring and analyzing Baha'u'llah’s writings.

• Tailored Messaging: The scholar V. R. Rosen, working with materials provided by the Ashgabat mission, discovered that Baha'u'llah’s leadership in Acre was strategically altering his messages for different audiences.
• Censorship for the Tsar: Rosen noted that the version of the "Glad Tidings" (Bisharat) sent to Russian authorities in Ashgabat omitted praise for republican or constitutional government, which had been included in the version sent to the British. This was a deliberate attempt to appeal to the Russian imperial authorities.

The Role of Military and Diplomatic Officials

Several members of the Russian mission were instrumental in studying Baha'u'llah’s doctrine through their diplomatic access:

• A. G. Tumansky: A Russian officer who spent significant time with Bahá'ís in Ashgabat and Iran, translating the Kitab-i-Aqdas and other major works of Baha'u'llah.
• G. D. Batyushkov: A secretary at the mission in Tehran who used his position to save Bahá'í manuscripts from government search and shared them with Russian scholars.
• V. I. Ignatiev: A diplomat who provided translated Bahá'í documents to General Kuropatkin and noted that Baha'u'llah maintained "reliable agents" everywhere to coordinate his followers.

By the end of the 19th century, while some diplomats remained skeptical of the movement's sincerity, others believed that the spread of Bahá'í ideals could benefit the region because they were better than the Shia ideals.

(N. A. Kuznetsova's 1963 article, "On the History of the Study of Babism and Baha'ism in Russia")

www.orientalstudies.ru/rus/images/pdf/journals/OIRV_6_1963_02_kuznetsova.pdf

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The relationship between the Russian diplomatic mission and the Babi and Baha'i movements according to a Russian scholar.

The relationship between the Russian diplomatic mission and the movement that evolved from Babism to Baha'ism was complex, shifting from initial political apprehension to a more nuanced involvement characterized by scholarly interest, personal sympathy, and occasional direct intervention,,.

Evolution toward a Nuanced Relationship

Initially, in the mid-19th century, the Russian and British missions were primarily concerned that the Babi uprisings would destabilize Iran and undermine their respective influences. Consequently, diplomats like Prince Dolgorukov encouraged the Shah’s government to take decisive measures to suppress the movement.

Over time, however, the relationship became more sophisticated as Russian diplomats and military officials began to study the movement in depth,.

• Scholarly Engagement: Many officials, such as A.G. Tumansky, N.V. Khanikov, and G.D. Batyushkov, became leading researchers of the movement, collecting manuscripts and corresponding with its leaders,,.
• Internal Divergence: Opinions within the mission varied. While Dolgorukov viewed Babism as a purely religious phenomenon, others—supported by diplomatic data—saw it as a political movement against the existing order. By the late 19th century, some officials like Batyushkov even argued that the spread of Baha'ism could benefit Persia because its ideals were "higher than Muslim, especially Shiite" ideals.
• Diplomatic Friction: By the 1890s, the presence of Baha'i refugees in Russian-controlled Ashgabat created tension,. While some Russian authorities favored the group, officials like V.I. Ignatyev worried that this protection "embittered the Shah" and harmed Russo-Persian relations.

Protection and Interventions

Diplomats frequently stepped in to protect followers or their interests, often at personal or political risk:

• Saving Lives through Records: In Tehran, G.D. Batyushkov intervened in a probate case regarding a Russian-subject Babi. He secured the deceased's papers and manuscripts, explicitly stating that he did so to "save from publicity" many individuals who would have suffered "substantially" if the government or clergy had discovered their identities.
• Asylum in Ashgabat: Under General Kuropatkin, the Russian administration in the Transcaspian Region showed great favor to the Baha'i community,. Baha'is in Ashgabat sought Russian citizenship to avoid being seized and executed upon returning to Persia. Despite the diplomatic strain, Russian officials like Ignatyev maintained that extraditing these refugees to Iran was impossible, as it would be beneath the "dignity of Russia as a great power".
• Protection of Agents: In Yazd, the head of the Baha'i community, Haji Mohammad Tagi Shirazi, was protected by his status as a Russian commercial agent, allowing the community to live relatively peacefully for a time under the shadow of Russian authority.

Secret Instructions and Safe Passage

The sources highlight specific instances where the Russian mission facilitated the movement of followers through archival and administrative means:

• Instructions for Akka: A.G. Tumansky, while searching the mission’s archives, discovered a "secret instruction" addressed to a Babi. This document detailed the specific measures required for the follower's "safe passage to Akka" (the residence of Baha'u'llah).
• Collection of Political Circulars: Tumansky also recovered a political circular from Abbas Effendi (Ghusn-i-Azam), the leader of the movement, titled "Lawh-i-Siyasi," which he used to characterize the contemporary political stance of the Baha'is.
• Information Gathering: Diplomatic officials like N.A. Anichkov in Tabriz were tasked with using all means to collect "the most reliable and closest information" about the movement, including obtaining original manuscripts from local governors to better understand the sect's goals and influence.

(N. A. Kuznetsova's 1963 article, "On the History of the Study of Babism and Baha'ism in Russia")

www.orientalstudies.ru/rus/images/pdf/journals/OIRV_6_1963_02_kuznetsova.pdf

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Russian Scholar Kazem-Bek believed that Babism was a political movement which adopted a religious "coloring"

А. К. Мирза Казем-бек, первый русский исследователь бабизма, издапший в 1865 г. большой труд о бабидах «Баб и бабиды. Религиозно-политические смуты в Персии в 1844— 1852 годах», широко использовал материалы, собранные диплом этическими чиновниками.

Б отличие от Д. И. Долгорукова, считавшего бабизм чисто религиозным движением, Мирза Казем-бек склонен был рассматривать его как политическое выступление против существующего строя, принявшее религиозную окраску. Подзаголовком к 'книге «Религиозно-политические смуты в Персии» Мирза Казем-бек хотел подчеркнуть именно политическую сущность бабизма8.

Translation:

A. K. Mirza Kazem-Beg, the first Russian scholar of Babism, who in 1865 published a major work on the Babis titled "The Bab and the Babis: Religious-Political Unrest in Persia, 1844–1852", made extensive use of materials collected by diplomatic officials.

Unlike D. I. Dolgorukov, who regarded Babism as a purely religious movement, Mirza Kazem-Beg tended to view it as a political uprising against the established order that had assumed a religious character. By using the subtitle "Religious-Political Unrest in Persia", Mirza Kazem-Beg sought to emphasize the political nature of Babism.

(N. A. Kuznetsova's 1963 article, "On the History of the Study of Babism and Baha'ism in Russia")

www.orientalstudies.ru/rus/images/pdf/journals/OIRV_6_1963_02_kuznetsova.pdf

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